A Short and Hasty Guide on the Suez Canal Saga

I know I’m quite a bit late to the party (though I definitely indulged in all the glorious memes), but I think any time is a good time to learn about the otherwise overlooked bit of our global infrastructure that suddenly became a global phenomenon.

World Water Day

Yesterday was World Water Day, launched by the UN in 1993 to raise awareness about the importance of water both environmentally and for humanity as a whole.

I think our strictly terrestrial species is ill-equipped to truly grasp the significance of water, from its role in generating most of our oxygen, to the fact that most living things that have ever lived have been aquatic or amphibious.

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As a middle class person in a developed part of the world, it is also east to take for granted just how elusive access to clean water is; for most of human history, most humans died or were sickened (sometimes permanently) by diseases related to dirty water.

While we’ve made tremendous progress over the past century alone, well over a million humans still die annually from water-borne diseases (many of them children), and nearly one out of four people lack the access to clean water that most us take as a given. The effects of climate change and overexploitation risks depleting an already strained water supply—making World Water Day’s mission of awareness all the more invaluable.

Below is a big data dump concerning all things water, including the progress we’ve made in expanding clean water access, and the challenges that remain in continuing this development while doing so sustainably.

The World Food Programme

To many observers, especially in the United States, this year’s winner of the Nobel Peace Prize may seem uninspired, if not unfamiliar. It is an organization, rather than a person, and its work is probably not as widely known and appreciated as it should be.

Yet the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) is no less deserving of the honor (especially since over two dozens entities have won the Peace Prize before, including the United Nations itself). It is the largest humanitarian organization in the world, and the largest one focused on hunger, malnutrition, and food insecurity, providing critical food assistance to nearly 100 million people across 88 countries. Tens of millions would starve without its fleet of 5,600 trucks, 30 ships, and nearly 100 planes delivering more than 15 billion rations, at just 61 cents each. Remarkably, WFP does all its work based entirely on voluntary donations, mostly from governments.

Laudable as all that might be, it’s fair to ask what this work has to do with peace? Two-thirds of WFP’s work is done in conflict zones, where access to food is threatened by instability, violence, and even deliberate war tactics. Amid war and societal collapse, people are likelier to die from starvation, or from opportunistic diseases that strike their malnourished immune systems. Since its experimental launch in 1961, WFP has delivered aid to some of the most devastating and horrific natural disasters in history, including the Rwandan genocide, the Yugoslav War and the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. (It became a permanent UN agency in 1965, having proven its worth by mustering substantial aid to earthquake-stricken Iran in 1962, initiating a development mission in Sudan, and launching its first school meals project in Togo.)

As The Economist points out, the focus on hunger is a sensible one: Not only have famine and malnutrition destroyed millions of lives across history, but they remaining pressing concerns in the face of the pandemic, climate change, and renewed conflict.

Governments everywhere are desperate to bring an end to the pandemic. But hunger has been growing quietly for years, and 2019 was the hungriest year recorded by the Food Security Information Network, a project of the WFP, the Food and Agriculture Organisation and other NGOs, which since 2015 has been gathering data on how many people worldwide are close to starvation. The rise was largely a consequence of wars in places like South Sudan, Yemen and the Central African Republic. This year, thanks to the covid-19 pandemic, things are likely to be far worse. Rather than war, this year it is the dramatic falls in the incomes of the poorest people that is causing hunger. There is as much food to go around, but the poor can no longer afford to buy it. The number of hungry people might double, reckons the WFP, from 135m in 2019 to 265m at the end of this year.

Unfortunately, despite the increased (and likely to increase) need for its services—more people face hunger than at anytime since 2012—the agency’s precarious budget, ever-dependent on the whims of donors, is declining. Again, from the Economist:

Last year the organisation received $8.05bn from its donors, by far the biggest of which is the United States. This year so far it has received only $6.35bn. Many countries, such as Britain, link their aid budgets to GDP figures which have fallen sharply. Britain provided roughly $700m of the WFP’s funding in 2019. This year its aid budget will fall by £2.9bn ($3.8bn). Under Mr Trump America had turned away from funding big multilateral organisations even before the pandemic hit, though the WFP has escaped the fate of the WHO, to which Mr Trump gave notice of America’s withdrawal in July. In Uganda food rations for South Sudanese and Congolese refugees have been cut. In Yemen the WFP has had to reduce rations by half.

WFP estimates that seven million people have already died from hunger this year, and will need almost seven billion dollars over the next six months to avert looming famines worldwide. WFP’s head, a former U.S. Republican governor, is using the agency’s higher profile from the Nobel Prize to urge more funding from governments and especially billionaires (whose collective health increased by over ten trillion this past year).

Senegal’s Museum of Black Civilizations

Unfortunately, to many people outside of Africa, the concept of a black or African civilization doesn’t register. Despite being the cradle of humanity, with a history spanning tens of thousands of years, few could name or envision any of its numerous cultures, kingdoms, and empires. The reasons range from the legacy of European colonialism—which downplayed, overshadowed, or even destroyed native cultures—to the simple fact that many African civilizations lacked written records.

Well, the West African nation of Senegal, long considered one of the continent’s great success stories, is looking to rectify that. A couple years ago, it opened the 150,000-square foot Musée des Civilisations noires (MCN), French for the Museum of Black Civilizations, which exhibits the cultures and accomplishments of African civilizations both in and off the continent (including the massive communities in the U.S., Brazil, and the Caribbean).

Located in the capital of Dakar, the museum’s distinct circular structure is itself an homage to African culture, being modeled after the traditional houses of Senegal’s Casamance region.

The Museum of Black Civilisations will open on Thursday in Dakar [Courtesy: Museum of African Civilisations]

As Al Jazeera reported, the museum covers a multitude of black and African cultural movements, artistic styles, and historical artifacts:

Its 14,000 square metres of floor space and capacity for 18,000 exhibits puts it in league with the National Museum of African American History in Washington. Its range of exhibits is, however, more far-reaching. 

The high-ceilinged exhibition halls include Africa Now, showcasing contemporary African art and The Caravan and the Caravel, which tells the story of the trade in human beings – across the Atlantic and through the Sahara – that gave rise to new communities of Africans in the Americas.

These diaspora communities — such as in Brazil, the United States and the Caribbean — are recognised as African civilisations in their own right here.

“Memory in Motion” by Haitian artist Philippe Dodard describes the stages of enslavement from Africa to the slave ship to the Caribbean plantation with floating eyes, wandering souls and chained hands and feet in black India ink against a white background.

Women of the Nation showcases women of African descent, including Angela Davis.

The scale of the project follows that of the Dakar Art Biennale and the Renaissance Monument, in which successive Senegalese presidents have cemented their legacies with works of culture, Mbow says.

“All of the phases of the inauguration of the museum is done by Africans,” he says.

Smithsonian Magazine provides more details about the exhibits (as of 2018), and notes the museum’s potential for housing artifacts taken during European colonialism, most of which remain in museums or institutions across the West.

Inside the Museum of Black Civilizations, visitors will find ambitious displays spanning both centuries and continents. The exhibition “Cradle of Humankind,” for instance, looks back to human origins in Africa and features early stone tools. “African Civilizations: Continuous Creation of Humanity” delves into the history of masks and “the traditions of Sufism and Christianity in Africa,” according to Brown. Another exhibition hall, “The Caravan and Caravel,” explores how African communities in the Americas grew out of the slave trade. Among the contemporary artworks to appear in the new museum are pieces by the Cuban artist Elio Rodriguez, South Africa’s Andries Botha, and the Haitian artist Philippe Dodard.

The collections, however, are not complete. The MCN has room for some 18,000 artworks, but according to Aaron Ross of Reuters, many of the galleries are not filled.

Now more than ever, it seems possible that the empty space could one day be taken up by African artifacts currently held in European institutions. In late November, French President Emmanuel Macron received a landmark report—written by French art historian Bénédicte Savoy and the Senegalese writer Felwine Sarr—recommending that he move forward with his plan to fully repatriate African artworks taken without consent from their countries of origin during the colonial era. Senegal was one of the first countries to subsequently request the large-scale return of its looted objects.

“We are ready to find solutions with France,” Abdou Latif Coulibaly, Senegal’s culture minister, said, “but if 10,000 pieces are identified in the collections, we are asking for all 10,000.”

This project was the culmination of a decades-long effort begun in 1966 by Senegal’s first president, Leopold Sedar Senghor, a noted poet and cultural theorist who envisioned his newly minted country as a center of black civilization worldwide.

In the following weeks, African luminaries such as Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and writer Wole Soyinka would converge on the Senegalese capital, as would others from the wider African diaspora: Jazz great Duke Ellington, the Martiniquan poet Aime Cesaire, Barbadian novelist George Lamming and American writers Langston Hughes and Amiri Baraka.

Dakar would briefly play host to some of the leading black movements of the day. African liberation, the Harlem Renaissance, Jazz, and the negritude movement, of which Senghor was also a leading figure, were represented. Despite their differences, they shared an optimism that people of African descent, wherever they were, would define their own futures.

And as that utopian spirit hung in the air, Senghor stepped up to present a bold, new vision for a post-colonial Africa. Art and culture ought to be at the heart of development. And central to this would be a museum in Senegal that would present the past and present experiences of black people everywhere.

Notwithstanding its immense investment in art and culture—which at one point accounted for a quarter of all government spending—Senegal just couldn’t get the project off the ground. China stepped in as the main backer. Only when China stepped in as the main financial backer did Senghor’s dream finally materialize (albeit seventeen years after his death). China’s appetite for Africa’s abundant natural resources is well known and controversial, although the museum says it will operate independently.

Regardless, this is an important step towards giving the world a richer and more holistic view of human civilization, and giving Africans and their descendants the world over an opportunity to learn more about their own subsumed culture. The museum has already helped strengthen calls for France to return looted cultural heritage back to its former colony, which other African countries have echoed.

Africa’s Little Known COVID-19 Success Stories

As many of the world’s wealthiest countries continue to battle COVID-19, many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa—considered a looming public health crisis given its poverty and lack of healthcare infrastructure—are actually doing a more than decent job at keeping the worst case scenarios at bay. As the Guardian reports:

Senegal is in a good position because its Covid-19 response planning began in earnest in January, as soon as the first international alert on the virus went out. The government closed the borders, initiated a comprehensive plan of contact tracing and, because it is a nation of multiple-occupation households, offered a bed for every single coronavirus patient in either a hospital or a community health facility.

As a result, this nation of 16 million people has had only 30 deaths. Each death has been acknowledged individually by the government, and condolences paid to the family. You can afford to see each death as a person when the numbers are at this level. At every single one of those stages, the UK did the opposite, and is now facing a death toll of more than 35,000.

Ghana, with a population of 30 million, has a similar death toll to Senegal, partly because of an extensive system of contact tracing, utilising a large number of community health workers and volunteers, and other innovative techniques such as “pool testing”, in which multiple blood samples are tested and then followed up as individual tests only if a positive result is found. The advantages in this approach are now being studied by the World Health Organization.

Of all places, Ghana is also the first country in the world to utilize drones to ensure its tests reach distant and poorly connected rural areas.

AS NPR elaborates, Senegal is a particularly exemplary pandemic success story—thanks in large part to the much-maligned WHO, as well as the CDC and UNICEF.

Senegal’s response to the coronavirus is notable not only for its humanity but for its thoroughness. For example, each newly diagnosed individual – no matter how mild or severe the case – is provided a hospital or health center bed where he or she stays isolated and observed– a key element to Senegal’s strategy to contain the virus.

“Senegal is doing quite well, and we were impressed at the beginning at the full engagement and commitment by the head of state,” says Michel Yao, program manager for emergency response for the World Health Organization Africa.

Officials from both Senegal’s ministry of health and WHO stress that the wheels of the response team were set in motion five years ago in response to the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. Yao explains: “What we advised countries to have in place following Ebola in West Africa was to have an operations center, to have in one place the required information for effective decision making. It’s quite an important tool to control the crisis, and this was a good plan from Senegal to have this structure.”

Senegal set up its Health Emergency Operation Center (also known by its French acronym, COUS), in December 2014, in response to the Ebola outbreak spreading in nearby countries. At the start of this year, the center had some 23 staff members – five of them doctors.

Over the past five years, that center, working with the ministry of health and the support of international partners such as the World Health Organization, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and UNICEF, have run simulations of mock outbreaks and crafted emergency measures to activate in case of an epidemic.

Even Rwanda, better known for its horrific genocide over 25 years ago, has rolled out robots in its COVID-19 response.

Launched on Tuesday, May 19 at the Kanyinya COVID-19 Treatment Centre by the Ministry of Health with support from the United Nations Development Programme, the five high-tech robots can perform a number of tasks related to COVID-19 management, including mass temperature screening, delivering food and medication to patients, capturing data, detecting people who are not wearing masks, among others.

Made by Zora Bots, a Belgian company specialised in robotics solutions, they are designed with various advanced features to support doctors and nurses at designated treatment centres, and can also be leveraged into screening sites in the country.

Of course, it helps that these countries are relatively wealthy and peaceful; with the exception of Rwanda, they are also fairly robust democracies.

While many African countries are vulnerable to COVID-19, it’s worth highlighting how much better the continent is weathering this crisis than expected (in part thanks to hard lessons learned from past outbreaks).

The Pandemic Success Story No One Has Heard Of

Senegal is the pandemic success story no one has heard of—which actually tells you how successful it has been! The much-maligned WHO, as well as the CDC and UNICEF, played a key role in that.

In this country of 16 million known for its peaceful democracy and sense of community, Senegal’s response to the coronavirus is notable not only for its humanity but for its thoroughness. For example, each newly diagnosed individual – no matter how mild or severe the case – is provided a hospital or health center bed where he or she stays isolated and observed– a key element to Senegal’s strategy to contain the virus.

“Senegal is doing quite well, and we were impressed at the beginning at the full engagement and commitment by the head of state,” says Michel Yao, program manager for emergency response for the World Health Organization Africa.

Officials from both Senegal’s ministry of health and WHO stress that the wheels of the response team were set in motion five years ago in response to the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. Yao explains: “What we advised countries to have in place following Ebola in West Africa was to have an operations center, to have in one place the required information for effective decision making. It’s quite an important tool to control the crisis, and this was a good plan from Senegal to have this structure.”

Senegal set up its Health Emergency Operation Center (also known by its French acronym, COUS), in December 2014, in response to the Ebola outbreak spreading in nearby countries. At the start of this year, the center had some 23 staff members – five of them doctors.

Over the past five years, that center, working with the ministry of health and the support of international partners such as the World Health Organization, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and UNICEF, have run simulations of mock outbreaks and crafted emergency measures to activate in case of an epidemic.

Along with Vietnam and the Indian state of Kerala, Senegal proves that wealth alone is not a predictor for a successful pandemic response. It also shows the importance of working with international partners to get as many different perspectives, resources, and knowledge as possible.

The Singapore of Africa

It’s amazing how the fate of nations could change in the span of decades. In 1994, the tiny central African nation of Rwanda seemed to suddenly succumb to a level of carnage not seen since the Second World War (notwithstanding other under-the-radar conflicts like the Congo War).

Over a period of just 100 days, up to 1 million people were slaughtered by paramilitaries and even friends and neighbors, mostly by machetes and small arms. Already poor and politically dysfunctional, Rwanda was ignored and let down by the international community even in its most calamitous state—how could it ever recover from such an orgy of bloodshed and neglect?

Well, close to thirty years later, recover it has. While undemocratic and undeveloped, it has made incredible strides for a nation that faced one of the most horrific genocides in human history. How could Rwanda, of all places, become so stable and economically sophisticated?

“There are a few fundamentals you have to understand. Firstly, our country is the same size as the U.S. state of Maryland, but our population is around 12 million people. Secondly, we have no natural resources — no oil or gold or anything else that countries benefit from,” explains Claudette Irere, director general at Rwanda’s Ministry of Youth and Information and Communication Technology. “This means the only way for us to move forward and to build our future is to empower people and make good use of technology. With this strategy, we are shifting our country from an agrarian economy to a knowledge-based economy.”

Rwanda is beginning to leapfrog developed countries in fundamental areas such as smart city infrastructure, vocational training, and strategic foreign investment. As of January this year, 4G/LTE networks cover more than 95 percent of the country, and a mix of public and private players are working together on a national roll-out of fiber-optic broadband. As its citizens and businesses get connected, Kigali is becoming an African hub for multinational tech companies, including Google, Facebook, and Amazon.

[…]

Between 2001 and 2014, Rwanda achieved an annual growth rate of 9 percent and earned a global reputation as an attractive business destination. According to the World Bank’s 2018 Ease of Doing Business Index, Rwanda has risen above countries like Italy, Belgium, and Israel to become the 41st most business-friendly nation on earth. Rwanda was also the index’s biggest business reformer, with activities like starting up, registering property, paying taxes, and enforcing contracts all becoming increasingly easier in the country.

“Urbanization is becoming more of a challenge for things like traffic and public transportation. This creates a lot of opportunities for technology and innovation,” Irere says. “Working with global companies that lead in areas such as the internet of things (IoT) is helping us understand the problems we must solve before our city grows beyond our control.”

Kigali has even developed a culture of digital entrepreneurship that seems straight out of Silicon Valley.

One local company that’s making the most of Kigali’s digital infrastructure is ride-hailing app SafeMotos, founded by a Canadian entrepreneur who fell in love with the city. Road traffic collisions are a significant problem in Rwanda and its neighboring countries, with 40 percent more road deaths occurring per 100,000 people than in low- and middle-income nations in any other part of the world. To combat this problem, SafeMotos provides drivers with smartphones and pulls data from an app to measure their performance on trips. Customers are connected only with drivers who meet a certain safety threshold — an algorithmic score of at least 90 out of 100.

To be sure, Rwanda is far from idyllic. The moniker “Singapore of Africa” is apt in more ways than one: Not only is it an island of relative stability, development, and technological progress, but like the southeast Asian city state, it is also low-key authoritarian. Its president, Paul Kagame, who is credited with helping defeat the genocidal regime and carrying the country though to its recovery, has been in power since 1994—and is slated to remain in power until 2034, thanks to changes in the constitution that he has presided over. He won 99 percent of the vote in the most recent election, while critics from journalists to government officials have been imprisoned for their insolence; some may even have been assassinated.

The country is even pioneering the use of drones to deliver medical supplies to remote communities and enforce its COVID-19 lockdown. By the standards of Africa and even the world, Rwanda has one of the lowest rates of corruption, which no doubt accounts for a lot of its business success.

“The most obvious example of this was the inquest into the assassination of Patrick Karegeya, Rwanda’s former head of external intelligence, who was strangled in a South African five-star hotel on New Year’s Eve 2013. In January 2019 the case opened in a courtroom on the outskirts of Johannesburg, a city where every news agency and broadcaster, from AP to Xinhua, AFP to Reuters, the BBC to DPA, has an office. It was a story on a par with the murder of Jamal Khashoggi or the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko in terms of international interest, massively diplomatically embarrassing to the Rwandan government — the South African Hawks hold it directly responsible — and the courtroom was a ten minute taxi ride from various well-staffed newsrooms. When I turned up, I was astonished by the pathetic press turnout. At first I assumed that the victim’s family and lawyers just hadn’t been very efficient at getting the word out, but if anything, press attendance got worse as the days passed and more and more hugely awkward details — all of them wonderfully quotable as they were being revealed in court — were brought to light. A massive opportunity missed.”

Such repression is not only obviously unjust and problematic in its own right, but it threatens the country’s incredible progress over the last 26 years since the genocide. Rwandans have demonstrated remarkable resilience, innovation, and creativity, but all that will be hard to maintain under the shadow of such a paranoid and stifling regime. I can only hope this promising success story can expand to more than just economics and include a free and democratic country—where such potential and prosperity can truly be unleashed.

Source: Lauren Razavi

Inequities and Injustices Laid Bare by the Pandemic

Given that there’s enough anxiety and bad news going around, I’ve been consciously minimizing sharing anything negative here. But it’s hard not to vent about the tremendous amount of unnecessary suffering out there.

Its bad enough that tens of thousands of Americans are dying in a country with literally trillions of dollars sloshing around in its financial markets and economy (and that millions more have or will face grinding poverty, even as “essential” workers). But the developing world is about to face a reckoning as well.

Given how devastating the virus has been for richer nations, imagine countries with even fewer resources. There are already tens of thousands of confirmed cases in countries across Latin America, Africa, and South Asia; it’s very likely there are even more that haven’t been detected due to the lack of public health infrastructure.

Not only is it difficult to test and treat the infected, but imagine forcing hundreds of millions of already-poor people in their homes and out of work. Pakistan and India alone have together quarantined a fifth of humanity, which, while necessary, poses tremendous risks (the mantra is, either die of the disease or we die of hunger). Both countries have rolled out plans to provide support, but the sheer cost and logistics will pose tremendous challenges (look how hard a time we’ve had).

In the end, none of this should be surprising. In a “normal” year, we lose millions of people to preventable diseases with treatments and cures worth literally pennies. Hundreds of thousands of kids die of something as banal to us as diarrhea. A mere eight people have more wealth than half of humanity (about 3.5 billion people). This pandemic has dramatically highlighted the horrifically stark and senseless disparities within our species, and many of us feel frustrated at our apparent powerlessness to do anything about it.

Ethiopia Rising

Long a byword for abject poverty and famine — issues the country continues to struggle with to this day — Ethiopia may soon be better known as one of the greatest success stories in the developing world, a model for reform, democratic transition, and socioeconomic development.

First, as The Economist reported, the country of 100 million (the most populous in Africa after Nigeria) has unveiled the sort of robust social program one would expect of a wealthier nation:

Ethiopia’s Urban Productive Safety Net Project […] was launched in 2017 and is among the largest social programmes in sub-Saharan Africa (outside South Africa) designed specifically for urban areas. About 400,000 poor Ethiopians in 11 cities are already enrolled. The government hopes it will eventually help 4.7m people in almost 1,000 towns. Beneficiaries are selected by a neighbourhood committee based on how poor and vulnerable they are. In addition to the paid work, they also receive training. Those who want to start their own businesses are given grants.

Of course, there are plenty of Ethiopians slipping through the cracks, and the program can only go so far given the country’s poverty and political underdevelopment. But it is still a worthy effort that speaks to the nation’s maturation and increasing stability.

Ethiopia has also appointed its first female president — among the few female leaders in the continent — who in turn is spearheading national efforts to improve gender equality and internal security; a newly-established Ministry of Peace, also headed by a woman, will tackle the country’s endemic problems with violence and abuses by security forces.

Speaking of peace, the nation has restored diplomatic ties with its neighbor and former breakaway region Eritrea, following two decades of tension and acrimony after a bloody border war in 1998. Communities on both sides of the once militarized border have reported unprecedented freedom of trade and movement.

Its dynamic but rancorous capital, Addis Ababa, is launching a crowd-funding campaign to create more green spaces, bike paths, and walkways. It has tripled the size of its airport in a bid to become Africa’s leading gateway. With the help of China, the country will launch and maintain its first satellite, aimed at monitoring and collecting vital data on climate and weather related patterns in its infamously vulnerable ecology.

Just a week ago, Ethiopians even broke records in reforestation efforts, planting over 350 million trees in just one day.

This bevy of milestones and changes has occured under the administration of Abiy Ahmed, who rose to power from seemingly nowhere, in a country long bedeviled by ineffectual if not repressive rulers:

In the year since Abiy rose to power, the word “change” has come to define many things about Ethiopia. Under the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, the decades-long tightening vise of repression finally led to widespread anti-government demonstrations in 2015. Mohammed was part of a diaspora movement of writers and activists who used their contacts to bypass the internet and social media shutdown in Ethiopia and document the growing unrest. In February 2018, in a bid to calm intensifying tensions and pave way for dialogue, then premier Hailemariam Desalegn suddenly resigned.

On April 2, Abiy, just 41 then, became prime minister and Africa’s youngest leader. In moves best described as salvific, he helped turned the trajectory of Africa’s second most-populous state. He made peace with long-time regional rivals like Eritrea and Egypt, released journalists, invited back opposition groups, acknowledged that prisoners suffered torture and abuse, and increased the place of women in power. He also promised to open up the economy for private investment, kickstarted a green initiative to transform the capital, and rolled out a visa-on-arrival push for African travelers.

Emboldened by these reforms, donor groups returned, with Ethiopia reportedly attracting a record $13 billion of inflows in the past year. Marathoner Feyisa Lilesa, who protested the previous government at the finish line at the Rio Olympics in 2016, also went back. During his East Africa tour last month, French president Emmanuel Macron commended Abiy’s transformative agenda, saying he “profoundly changed” Paris’s vision of Addis Ababa. Human Rights Watch staff who cover Ethiopia were also permitted to visit Ethiopia for the first time in eight years.

“It was refreshing how open people were to discuss politically sensitive issues, which is in sharp contrast to the past where there was much fear about speaking openly,” says HRW senior researcher Felix Horne.

As noted in The Economist piece, Ethiopia’s status as Africa’s second largest country (after Nigeria), and as being among the few to have retained its independence from Europe, gives it considerable influence throughout the continent and the developing world, and may perhaps inspire other nations to implement similar reforms despite their challenges.

Of course, Abiy’s markedly progressive leadership, and all the positive changes it seems to be engendering, remains tenuous. The country faces incredible challenges in virtually every sector, including a strong but highly unequal economy, ethnic tensions, endemic corruption, and the ravages of climate change. It will take more than one man or one administration, no matter how ambitious, to tackle so many pressing issues.

But given what we are seeing so far, it is safe to assume that whatever hiccups or roadblocks get in the way, the people of Ethiopia have displayed an incredible degree of resilience, resourcefulness, and hope that will see them through the 21st century. The world will be watching and learning.